The Writing Process Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

The Writing Process - Essay Example Thus, the individual’s critical analysis skills are polished as a writer. The more educated and experienced the writer, the more mature, decent, organized, and sensible the writing. Individuals do a variety of forms of writing in their everyday life. As they write more, they learn more. These forms of writing include but are not limited to essays, letters, applications, academic papers, research papers, stories, and dissertations. What an individual writes fundamentally depends upon what motivates him/her to write. The motivation behind writing poetry may be hobby. Motivation behind writing a letter or an application may be an urgent need. Motivation behind writing an essay may be passing the exam. Likewise, stories are often written to be published in the newspapers or magazines as this happens to be a source of income for some writers. Different people like and dislike different things about writing, though certain things can be commonly included in either of the two categories. Things that people like about writing is that they can own a thing that they produced in a very short span of time, writing provides people with a way to express themselves freely, and writing saves memories one has at a particular point in time. The ability of writing to express thoughts makes it a form of art. Writing often gets boring when it is imposed upon an individual as a compulsory task. The mere fact that they have to write rather than they can opt to write makes writing essays difficult and boring for the students when they are given this task as a homework. Some things that people commonly dislike about writing is that it can be very biased and manipulative, and that the type of language used in the writing has to be adjusted according to the genre of the writing; language used in an official document is very different from tha t used in poetry. There are certain rules and principles that have to be respected and followed while writing

Economical And Political Situation In Russia Politics Essay

Economical And Political Situation In Russia Politics Essay The purpose of this paper is to investigate and to shed light on the nature of the relationship between big business and the state in contemporary Russia. It is commonly assumed that a relatively small number of Russian industrial tycoons, or oligarchs, control a substantial share of Russias economy and have the capacity to determine policy in the areas that are fundamental to the running of the country. I propose to challenge these assumptions and to argue that between 1996 and 2003 economic power blocks in Russia could never aspire to become the ruling class, as well as to enjoy access to the development of state policy. In contemporary Russia the leading entrepreneurs are no longer in the position to make significant claims on the political power using their economic resources. Fortescue argues that the use of the term oligarch is questionable because as an economic power block they never managed to actually run the country and that their policy role even in the economic sphere wa s minor. This paper argues that the oligarchs took advantage of, rather than created, the big business strategy of mass privatization and shares-for-credit scheme. I therefore prefer, when dealing with the subject, to speak of industrial tycoons, economic power blocks or big businesses. The relationship between Russian business and the state swung between two extremes. Under the conditions of a weak state in the early to late 1990s there was a high degree of state capture by Russian business. State capture or privatization of the state is best understood in terms of economic resources being used to influence the policy making process of federal and regional authorities to the benefit of the economic and political agents involved in these collusive agreements. State capture denotes a situation where a narrow set of interests, such as a firm, uses corruption or relies on informal agreements to shape the political and legal environment to its own advantage. This paper explores how the strategy of close integration with the state paved the way for the regional and federal authorities to gradually shift, relationship wise, from state capture to informal submission of private business to the state. In raising critical questions and relying on empirical evidence I attempt to draw a clear picture of the policies pursued by the Kremlin administration to establish an effective political mechanism to control and benefit from the economic performance of the industrial tycoons. I assess the risks taken by Putin in launching a frontal attack on the selected oligarchs and determine whether Putin has been successful in creating a new political order that aims at using economic power blocks as a tool of effective state politics. The first chapter analyzes the state-business relations in the mid-late 1990s. I look at the privatization of the state and the nature of collusive agreements between leading economic and political power blocks. The second chapter looks at the consolidation of the state and its changing relationship with the big business community. I look at the way the nature of individual relations with political power was re-assessed and how the consolidation of power contributed to big businesses falling under the command of state bureaucratic interests. This chapter demonstrates how the changing relationship, attributed to the consolidation of the state, created favorable conditions for the development of large-scale financial industrial groups, with the capacity to stimulate the growth of Russian economy and to serve as a strategically important factor in the pursuit of broader political interests. 1: STATE CAPTURE state-business relations in the mid-late 1990s In the early stages of democratic transition and state consolidation between 1993 and 1996 the concept of rent seeking was widely used to describe business behavior in Russia. Characteristically, those who were able to accumulate large capital and property relied on a strategy of close integration with the state and maximized their profits through privileges, such as subsidies and benefits obtainable from the state. The relationship between business and government was determined by differences in access to rent and its distribution. Those who were closely connected to the state were able to use the changing political and economic system to their advantage. When political and economic systems go through a rapid and challenging change they create a range of opportunities to take over business, using formerly state-owned property, and to make money on the structural disorders of a state in transition. Andrei Yakovlev in assessing the situation in Russia as compared to other Eastern Euro pean countries notes that weakened and half-destroyed public institutions in Russia were unable to build an effective resistance to the attempts of various private interest groups to capture and privatize rent. In the first half of the 1990s Russian political authorities made a strategic choice on the issue of foreign ownership and gave preference to the younger generation of Russian entrepreneurs. The Russian political authorities were faced with a choice-to put their money on either their business or on foreign investors. The active lobbying of big capital led to the adaptation of the first scenario. Such a situation created the ideal circumstances for the growth not only of the economic, but also the political influence of big capital. Most of these entrepreneurs got control of their most valuable assets by shares-for-credit scheme through which Boris Yeltsin funded his successful 1996 election campaign. Yeltsin offered assets of existing state-owned enterprises at a bargain basement price in exchange for loans to the Russian government that could be redeemed for further shares: The assets were to be put up for auction, the winner of each auction being the bidder who offered the highest amount of credit to the state. The winner would hold the states shares as security on the loan and have the right of operational control. The main beneficiaries of the auction were the ONESKIMbank, Menatep, Lukoil and Surgutneftegaz Pension Fund. It is important to understand that the shares-for-credit scheme involved a strong element of long term strategic thinking among a powerful group of reform oriented policy makers headed by Chubais. Fortescue notes that it was designed to achieve a strategic goal, laying the foundation for a privately owned big business able to operate competitively in global markets. This period is best characterized by the creation of government assisted financial-industrial groups with the capacity to improve their economic efficiency and global competitiveness. The inevitable result was high concentration of property ownership and economic power. The president and parliament that Russian businesses helped elect created the legal environment that their businesses needed to prosper. Yeltsins daughter, Tatiana Diachenko served as a political channel through which the oligarchs could influence the decisions made by the presidents political entourage in their favour. Shevtsova writes that informal political channels helped to hasten the merging of business with the state authorities at the top, and this blending of power and business spread further to other levels of the system. Oligarchy became a political reality in its true definition of the term when Vladimir Potanin was appointed first deputy prime minister and Boris Berezovskii was made deputy secretary of the Security Council. These appointments legitimized interference by big business in the affairs of the state and in many cases restricted the playing field for everyone else. The leading tycoons not only restricted the market to other firms but also successfully lobbied f or exclusion of foreigners from their fields of activity. In 1996-97 they fell out with one another and began fighting among themselves for economic resources. It is argued by leading economists and political theorists that lack of collective spirit and organized action among the oligarchs sharply reduced their influence on political authorities. They were unable or unwilling to defend each other when the common enemy arose. For example for Bunin and Pete Duncan their inability to influence the Kirienko government and his attempt to rein them in by taxing their companies and to proceed with the devaluation which brought them enormous losses in August 1998, demonstrates their lack of power. Minister of Finance Fedorov in mid 1998 stated the following: You guys are not paying taxes. Well arrest you, well take your property, well make your companies bankrupt. After the August 1998 crash Berezovskii attempted to have Kirienko replaced by Chernomyrdin. Through informal agreements he persuaded Yeltsin to nominate him for the post twice but the St ate Duma rejected his nomination. Even Chubais who was instrumental in the privatization process and managed to intervene on their behalf with Yeltsin on a number of crucial occasions was not going to grant them control of the political process: So in 1996, using the newly created Russian business, we resolved the problem of communism in Russia. But then that very big business decided that at last everything was in place and now decided to run the country. The government is working hard to get the message across to business that it is not its job to run the country. Anatolii Chubais, the architect of Russian privatization, in 2004 admitted to having underestimated the deep feeling of injustice that shares-for-credit would create, although he still maintained that given the choice between bandit communism and bandit capitalism, then the choice he made in favour of the latter was the right one. The oligarchs were able, on the whole, to withstand the attacks on them from the reformers but it signaled an end to the era of political domination. Pete Duncan notes that the organs of the state, the security services, the police, the armed forces and the courts remained loyal to the president, and already in the Yeltsin period looked with suspicion and jealousy on them. In the true sense of the term, the Russian oligarchs never really exercised any high degree of political power and have shown no capacity to determine policy in the areas that are fundamental to the running of the country. First, they took advantage rather than created the major economic transformation policies. Second, their policy role in the state system creating sense was minor. Third, having regained the instruments for the resolution of conflict and determining the rules of the game, the authorities grew stronger than the businesses that had assisted them by strengthening their power and providing financial s upport to specific officials. The use of the term oligarch in its traditional sense is therefore questionable. As according to Pete Duncan, they were lobbyists rather than decision-makers, on the whole. The shift of balance began to be evident after the August 1998 crisis. 2: Consolidation of the State re-assessment of individual relations with political power Local and regional authorities began to undermine the power of the federals (who were largely dependent on oligarchs) by supervising the territories within their jurisdiction for tax evasion. In exchange for ensuring electoral support local and regional authorities bargained for more power and resource regulation in strategically important regions. As we have already noted, the conflicts between the leading industrial tycoons (along with their respective sponsors in the federal administration) over sources of rent extraction eventually produced the financial crisis which ended with the breakdown of the largest banks and a radical replacement of the federal government. Contrary to the situation before the 1996 presidential election (when powers of the oligarchs, regional and federal authorities were united to preserve the nature of the political regime), the 1998 crisis, stimulated by the political tensions between leading industrial groups and authorities produced a deep split in the ruling elite. The split in the ruling elite is well documented. Yakovlev writes that influential regional governors, together with their business associates, attempted to use the crisis to make the federal government even weaker. Narrow circle of politicians and top bureaucrats, financed by the economic power of the JSFC Sistema created by the Moscow government and Yuri Luzhkov attempted to undermine the position of the federal elite and Boris Yeltsins associate business group. In order to ensure succession of power in a deeply discredited federal government the federal elite had to resolve their conflicts with the powerful governors gathered around fatherland-Russia and to win the support of the federal bureaucracy. It was important for the super elite not to ignore the strategic interests of the nation; otherwise they would run the risk of the complete loss of their personal authority and influence. Measures were taken to (1) provide financial support to the army, the FSB and to other law enforcement agencies (2) to strengthen the status of federal bureaucrats (3) to win the support of non oligarchic business by revising tax legislation and alleviating the tax burden. Actors involved in the process of power consolidation used the new image of a strong and responsible leader personified in Vladimir Putin to increase the public support of society that has grown tired of chronic state weakness, corruption and looked with suspicion on the close contacts of the presidential administration to the business tycoons. The first steps that Putin took as the prime minister, particularly his initiative to work out a long term policy for the strategic development of Russian economy, boosted the Social Sentiment Index from 85 points to almost 140 points. The index shows that trends in public opinion, based on how people assess the political, social and economic situation in the country, were in favor of the newly established political order. With social support and federa l bureaucracy under the control, the newly emerging federal elite strengthened their position by limiting the powers of the governors through the creation of a system of federal districts and through a delimitation of statutory powers between the federal government and the regions. Yakovlev notes that these steps sufficiently diminished the rights and fiscal resources of regional authorities and paved way for a consolidation of a new political system with rules of the game changed in favor of the state rather than private interests of individual political and economic agents. Federal authorities and economic power blocks of the Yeltsin regime failed to introduce effective means of state regulation and economic and social development. These failures should be attributed to the politics of favoritism and informal collusive agreements between political agents and industrial tycoons. The political and legal environment was shaped by a set of narrow interests that undermined the development of the strategic interests of the nation. The new super elite of the Putin era took into account an important factor: in order to consolidate personal authority and influence it is essential to take into account not only the interests of the groups they arose from, but also strategic interests of the nation. This is an objective condition which places this narrow group above the other groups of the elite. What the oligarchs of the 1990s could not do and that is to serve the common purpose and enjoy a common set of principles and rules, the new emerging elite consolidated th eir power and influence by promoting the strategic interests of the nation. This strategy did not only win them popular support but also guaranteed loyalty from federal agencies that have already in late 1990s have been critical of public officials operating for the benefit of individual market players connected to the highest echelons of political power. Curbing the oligarchs political influence was an essential part of Vladimir Putins state politics. He promised to treat the oligarchs in the same way as other entrepreneurs and announced that all interest groups would be kept at an equal distance from his government. The much quoted term equidistance refers to a situation when the state no longer plays favorites and refuses to promote special interests. In the first meeting with the leading oligarchs Putin made it clear that it is not their business to get involved in politics and that they should concentrate purely on running their businesses. It is documented in some literature that there was a pact between Putin and the leading industrial tycoons: As long as the oligarchs paid taxes and did not use their political power to undermine the development of a new political order, the state would respect their property rights and refrain from revisiting shady privatization schemes. The nature of the meeting cannot be disputed; leading bu sinessmen and Putin met to discuss possible patterns of interaction between business and the state. However, I am inclined to argue that because big business in Russia never developed a corporate interest that it could defend collectively, backed both by the population and the state apparatus which outweighed any special interests that oligarchs could have attempted to lobby for. Tompson, for example, describes the agreement as something akin to a foundational political myth and Pete Duncan argues that there is little evidence that Putin promised them anything. Putins priority was not to arrange a certain hypothetical agreement between the oligarchs. (If Russian politics of the Putin era would be interpreted in these terms it would imply that the state was not in the position to use its bureaucratic means to restrict the political influence of the leading business tycoons.) The opposite was true: big businesses were increasingly subjected to searches, summonses and charges from vari ous government agencies, usually related to tax and privatization issues. The owners of big business who found themselves under federal investigation were no longer in the position to use direct informal contacts with the authorities (that they relied on in the Yeltsin era) to resolve their problems through some form of payment or favor. The change in the situation should be understood in the following terms: individual public officials who operated for the benefit of individual market players in the 1990s were integrated into a larger system of a consolidated state. Consolidated state and its administrative apparatus is interested in the pursuit of long term strategic objectives rather than short term private gains and in order to secure and strengthen its position it will suppress any opportunistic behavior of its members whose private interests are in conflict with the interests of the state. Hence, the term equidistance is characteristic of policies pursued by the consolidated regime: oligarchs could no longer rely on the support of state institutions or individuals working within these institutions if their interests were in conflict with the strategic interest of the state. Putins priority was to rebuild the central state and to establish the presidential administration as the dominant political institution. State consolidation was a priority for two reasons: (A) consolidated government institutions recognize their collective interests (state policy) and abilities much better (B) consolidated governmental organizations can influence the rules of the game and are much stronger than any individual player in the political and economic system. With consolidation of the state there is a consequent informal submission of business to the command of state bureaucratic interests. If under the Yeltsin regime chronic weakness of the state meant that individual public officials operated for the benefit of individual market players, under the consolidated government it is either the organization as a whole that operates in favor of certain actors or the organization plays in favor of itself. The relative weakness of the industrial tycoons in the new institutional or der was confirmed by the exile of Berezovskii and Gusinskii and the Yukos case. During the Yukos case selective justice was used in means to consolidate power. The case is well documented and it shows that financial-industrial groups that pursue strategic economic and political interests independent of the collective bureaucratic interest of the state would be persecuted and would fall under the control of the state. Yukos dared to take direct action against the authorities by openly funding Putins opponents ( Khodorkovskii was giving financial support to the Communist Party and other deputies to influence their votes on legislation related to taxes in the oil industry) and the announcement of a merger of Yukos and Sibneft, with a possible further sale of a large block of shares to ExxonMobil or Chevron corporations, carried the implication that the state could actually lose control over strategic assets in the oil industry. In 2003 Yukos became the victim of a crippling tax demand which led to its bankruptcy and sale of its assets to government assisted financi al-industrial group Rosneft. The Yukos affair has clarified the rules of the game between oligarchs and Kremlin: (A) they should pay their taxes (B) they should not interfere in national politics (C) they should not attempt to undermine the strategic interests of the state in the pursuit of its energy policy. It can be argued that the Yukos affair had limited but generally positive implications for the development of Russia into eventually a normal market economy. Paul Khlebnikov wrote in 2003: The arrest of the oligarch is indeed an example of selective justice. But that is better than no justice at all. Put yourself in the place of the oligarchs. What conclusions will you draw from the Khodorkovskii case? What will you do as not to find yourself behind bars. Obviously, you will prefer always to be on the side of the president, and even better to keep your distance from politics. But you will also direct all your energies to remaining within the boundaries of the law. What befell the oligarchs under Putin shows that as a class they cannot aspire to become the dominant force in Russian politics. The regime may exploit big business and at times share power with them, but the dependency of the state on the capital of economic power blocks is purely temporary Even though the oligarchs remain economically powerful, they have no longer any weight in politics. Shevtsova notes that once the state has re-established itself and gained the support of other forces, the master of the Kremlin can shake off oligarchic influence. Where does this leave the other oligarchs in relation to the state? Consolidated state bureaucracy brings advantages to the development of big business and the economy. For the oligarchs who accepted the new political structure, rebuilding the state meant more security and guarantees for business. Businesses interact with monopolistic departments instead of individual bureaucrats and their relationship to the state is, therefore, more stable, predictable and effective. Putin and the countrys most prominent business leaders are working to convince Western investors that the Russian government and business can create law-abiding and transparent market economy. Leading Russian firms are moving towards corporate transparency and are trying to observe international accounting standards, pay regular dividends and protect minority stockholders rights. Russias industrial tycoons are becoming global players with the support and encouragement from their government: Lukoil CEO Alekperov stated in a 2001 interview that for the past two years we sense support of the Russian leadership, which now understands the importance of creating a transparent business environment that can serve to facilitate not only political ties but also strategic interests. The relationship between the state and business in Russia is one of mutual strategic interest that largely depends on the powers inherent in the presidency. It is in the interest of Russian big business to have behind it the support of the state and its guarantee of property rights, but at the same time it has to accept that the state operates on the basis of informal rules and agreements and places national strategic interests above market mechanisms.

Italian Immigrants Essay -- Legal Issues, US Government

Immigration began late for the Italian population. With the main period of immigration coming in the late 19th century, Italians were already several steps behind the Irish, German, and French immigrants (Nelli 38). This proved to be detrimental to the Italians as the previous immigrants had already stitched themselves to the flag producing a resolute hatred for incoming immigrants, one of which was Salvatore Rossi. Having fled Italy in 1897 due to economic hardship, he pursued the â€Å"American Dream† in New York, by obtaining an education and landing an uncommon job within the U.S. Government. Italian immigrants in this period of time suffered extreme racial prejudice and experienced numerous obstacles in their process of immigration and assimilating themselves into society. In the end, Salvatore Rossi, unlike many Italian immigrants, stitched himself to the flag. Notable Italian immigration began in the 1900s. Missionaries were sent by the Catholic Church to console and convert the native population of America. The early immigrants were dispersed across the nation with large concentrations in the northeast (â€Å"America Put Under Microscopes† 2). Within these regions began the largest influx of Italian culture. Italian inspiration began the first Columbus Day celebration as well as the construction of the first Opera house in America. Italians in the early 19th century had a limited role in American culture however with the economic disparity of Italy in the mid-19th century, it swayed many to immigrate to the United States bringing along their way of life (â€Å"America Put Under Microscopes† 1). Born to a family of subsistence farmers, Salvatore Rossi fits the mold of the atypical southern Italian laborer. Heavy taxes had be... ... son of a subsistent Italian farmer, prejudiced by many, Salvatore cut himself free of the thresholds and chains of the typical Italian-American. Through determination, he came to America and educated himself bringing him into the modern world, thus assimilating himself into the American way of life. Salvatore had overcome the difficulties of the entire immigration process, beginning with leaving his family behind, trekking across the Atlantic, and starting a new life in America. Racial prejudice had also not overwhelmed Salvatore’s willpower as he continued to fight again the stereotypical mold of the free-riding Italian-American who offers nothing to American society. Although he paid the ultimate price of leaving behind his extended family and Italian way of life, Salvatore by becoming a U.S. Immigration Official, had stitched himself to the American flag.

Bluffing

HUMN 330 Values and Ethics Online Course Syllabus Credit Hours: 3 Delivery Method: Online (Internet / Blackboard) Required Textbook Rosenstand, N. (2013). The moral of the story: An introduction to ethics (7th ed. ). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. ISBN: 978-0078038426 Course Description This course focuses on the process of practical ethics as a way of resolving moral conflict and of understanding professional responsibility in a multi-culturally diverse society without devaluating specific viewpoints of ethical or metaphysical theory, ideology, or religion.Students will use proposals, value judgments, observation statements, assumptions, and alternate-world assumptions in arguing contemporary issues of moral importance. With this basic moral logic, students will resolve issues in terms of rights, responsibilities, and the community of rational beings; in terms of consequences and contingencies; and in terms of habituated virtues and character. Free and unrestricted discourse will be enc ouraged so as to let students find common ground in diversity. Course Goals This course is designed to help students: 1. Understand the basic vocabulary and fundamental theories of ethics. . Discover life's values and determine which values are the most worthwhile. 3. Relate the textbook theories to actual life situations. 4. Find greater personal peace by choosing more constructive values. 5. Apply understanding of ethics to personal lives. 6. Understand the relationship between attitudes, values and moral conduct. Learning Outcomes This syllabus was developed for online learning by Dr. Moseby HUMN 330 Online Syllabus 0712 Upon course completion, students will be able to: 1. Judge the role and importance of ethics and evaluate moral behavior based on the criteria of value and self autonomy. . Assess the psychological, sociological, historical, and philosophical background of ethics. 3. Relate the nature and role of reason in understanding values. 4. Relate the nature and characteri stics of freedom when responding to values. 5. Distinguish and apply ethical principles in ethical situations. 6. Explain the various arguments for and against the major contemporary ethical issues. 7. Discuss one’s options for identifying and replacing inferior values. 8. Explain the role, nature, and characteristics of responsibility. 9.Defend the value of and the process of foreseeing the consequences of an individual’s conduct. 10. Defend the choice of a viable ethical theory in solving an ethical problem. 11. Utilize the principles of critical thinking to enhance learning skills and to increase intellectual and moral growth. 12. Evaluate their conduct in the light of constructive ethical expectations. Grading Your final grade will be based on the following evaluation items: Grade Scale 90 – 100% 80 – 89% 70 – 79% 60 – 69% 0 – 59% A B C D F Evaluation Items and Weights Weekly Assignments Discussions Midterm Exam Group Project Fina l Exam Total 5% 30% 15% 15% 15% 100% Activities and Assignments Activities Each module, excluding Module 9, contains various assignments related to the respective module, such as: ? Chapter and Lecture Notes. This activity consists of reading the text and the lecture notes that are posted in each module. ? Reading and Reflection. This activity contains a reading activity that is assigned to stimulate additional thinking and some discussions within the topic area. This syllabus was developed for online learning by Dr. Moseby HUMN 330 Online Syllabus 0712 ? ? Research and Critical Thinking.This activity varies with each module; however, they are typical outside readings with associated discussion questions of short essay-type answers to the topic area. Application. This activity varies with each module and is integrated into the learning modules to help you apply and reinforce the concepts that each module introduces. Weekly Assignments The assignments vary from module to module and a re based on the activities that were contained within the module. Each includes a combination of threaded discussions, short essays, or study questions based on text or outside readings.The weekly assignments comprise 25% of your grade. Discussions The Discussion Board is an integral part of your learning in this course. You are encouraged and expected to participate in online discussions. Regular and meaningful discussion postings are part of your final grade. Each module, excluding Module 9, contain Discussion Board topics or questions that will help sharpen your critical thinking and written communication skills as you study the theories and concepts related to values and ethics.Thirty percent of your course grade will come from your original responses to module discussion prompts and responses to classmates submitted to the appropriate Discussion Board forum in response to these module discussion activities. Please refer to the Checklist for Meaningful Discussions and Discussion Rubric in Module 1. Discussions account for 30% of your grade. Exams Both the Midterm and Final Exams are time-limited online tests. The Midterm will cover Modules 1 through 4 (Chapters 1-6) and is to be taken in Week 4. The Final is comprehensive (Modules 1-4 and 5-9, Chapters 1-13) and is to be taken during Week 9.The Midterm and Final are each worth 15% of your grade. Group Project Module 8 is devoted to the group project. The Instructor will divide the class into four virtual groups to discuss a case involving an ethical issue. ? ? ? ? Group 1: Media Ethics Group 2: Theory of Just War Group 3: Animal Welfare and Animal Rights Group 4: Death Penalty Each group will have its own private group discussion forum. Accessing this private forum is a little different from reaching the public discussion forums. You will need to click the Groups menu item, not the Discussion Board.After clicking Groups, you will see the four groups listed but you will only have access to the group you hav e been assigned to. Click your group link to see a list of the other members of your group and then the Group Discussion Board link to access the discussion forum. This syllabus was developed for online learning by Dr. Moseby HUMN 330 Online Syllabus 0712 Work with your assigned group members on the ethics case for your group in your private discussion forum. Identify ethical or moral justifications to support your arguments from the text or additional sources as necessary.Use the Internet to research any additional information you would like to use in your group's discussion. After groups have had time to review and discuss their cases and reach a consensus on the topic, one member of each of group will post its findings to the appropriate thread in the public Module 8 – Group Presentations forum. As individuals, each student will then comment on at least two other group presentations. The group project makes up 15% of your grade. Additional Information Library Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University has one of the most complete library collections of aviation-related resources in the world. ? ERAU Libraries: http://library. erau. edu/ Hunt Library Worldwide: Information, Services, Help o Worldwide Library: Basic Training o Worldwide Library: Ask-a-Librarian o Reference: Research Request Contact Information ? Hours: Monday – Friday 8:00 a. m. – 5:00 p. m. Eastern Time ? Telephone: 1-800-678-9428 or 386-226-6947 ? Email: [email  protected] edu RefWorks RefWorks is an online database tool that can manage references and citations from almost any source. It provides specific guidance in how to collect and use references, create bibliographies, and write research papers.You may access it through this ERAU organizational login link when signed in to ERNIE or directly from the RefWorks website (http://www. refworks. com). A different link must be used for off-campus access (see these instructions). RefWorks requires users to create a RefWorks-spe cific username and password. Please contact the Hunt Library if you have any questions. Online Sources There are many websites that offer current information on values and ethics and any search engine (Google, etc. ,) will get you to both historic and current information that is relevant to the content of this course.In addition, many links are provided within the online learning modules. APA Format ERAU students should master the American Psychological Association (APA) editorial style format for research papers and other written assignments. Two good websites to bookmark for help citing references used in your assignments and discussion posts are listed below. (See the Academic Resources folder in the Resources area of the course for additional sites on APA style. ) This syllabus was developed for online learning by Dr. Moseby HUMN 330 Online Syllabus 0712 The OWL at Purdue, APA Formatting and Style Guide APA Style. rg Course Policies Academic Integrity Embry-Riddle is committed t o maintaining and upholding intellectual integrity. All students, faculty, and staff have obligations to prevent violations of academic integrity and take corrective action when they occur. The adjudication process will involve imposing sanctions which may include, but are not limited to, a failing grade on the assignment, a failing grade in a course, suspension or dismissal from the University, upon students who commit the following academic violations: 1. Plagiarism: Presenting the ideas, words, or products of another as one’s own.Plagiarism includes use of any source to complete academic assignments without proper acknowledgement of the source. Reuse or resubmission of a student’s own coursework if previously used or submitted in another course, is considered self-plagiarism, and is also not allowed under University policy. 2. Cheating: A broad term that includes, but is not limited to, the following: a. Giving or receiving help from unauthorized persons or material s during examinations. b. The unauthorized communication of examination questions prior to, during, or following administration of the examination. . Collaboration on examinations or assignments expected to be, or presented as, individual work. d. Fraud and deceit, that include knowingly furnishing false or misleading information or failing to furnish appropriate information when requested, such as when applying for admission to the University. Online Learning This course is offered through ERAU Worldwide Online (Blackboard) and runs nine (9) weeks. The first week begins the first day of the term and ends at midnight EDT/EST (as applicable) seven days later.Success in this course requires in-depth study of each module as assigned, timely completion of assignments, and regular participation in forum discussions. Late work should be the exception and not the rule and may be downgraded at the discretion of the Instructor, if accepted at all. Unless all work is submitted, the student co uld receive a failing grade for the course. Extensions may be granted for extenuating circumstances at the discretion of the Instructor and only for the length of time the Instructor deems appropriate. The most important element of success in an online course is to communicate with your Instructor throughout the term.Conventions of â€Å"online etiquette,† which include courtesy to all users, will be observed. Students should use the Send Email function in Blackboard for private messages to the Instructor and other students. The class Discussion Board forums are for public messages. It is highly recommended that students keep electronic copies of all materials submitted as assignments, discussion board posts and emails, until after the end of the term and a final This syllabus was developed for online learning by Dr. Moseby HUMN 330 Online Syllabus 0712 grade is received.When posting responses in a discussion forum, please confirm that the responses have actually been posted after you submit them. Course Schedule Module Title Understanding Values, Morals, and Ethics Activities / Assignments 1. 1 – Introductions 1. 2 – Read Chapter 1; View Morality Video 1. 3 – Reading and Reflection: Morality and Ethics 1. 4 – Application: Current News Search 1. 5 – Discussion 1: Ethical Behavior 1. 6 – Discussion 2: Moral Issues 2. 1 – Read Chapter 2 and 3 2. 2 – Research and Critical Thinking: Haroun and the Sea of Stories Study Questions 2. – Discussion: Understanding the Past 2. 4 – Application: Moral Dilemma 2. 5 – Discussion: Ethnicity vs National Identity 3. 1 – Read Chapter 4; 3. 2 – Research and Critical Thinking â€Å"The Ethics of Emergencies Study Questions† 3. 3 – Reading and Reflection: Altruistic Behaviors 3. 4 – Application: Essay on Rand’s Ideas 3. 5 – Discussion: Understanding Altruism 4. 1 – Read Chapters 5 and 6 4. 2 â €“ Reading and Reflection: Utilitarianism and Deontology 4. 3 – Research and Critical Thinking: Flight 93 and Utilitarianism in Times of Crisis 4. – Discussion: Ends and Means 5. 1 – Review Modules 1 through 4 Learning Objectives 5. 2 – Discussion: Midterm Q & A 5. 3 – Midterm Exam 6. 1 – Read Chapters 7 and 8; Listen to â€Å"I Have a Dream Speech† 6. 2 – Reading and Reflection: Walmart Employment Practices 6. 3 – Application: Education Equity and Social Justice Awareness 6. 4 – Discussion 1: Person vs. Human Being 6. 5 – Discussion 2: Rights and Responsibilities 6. 6 – Research & Critical Thinking: The Trial of Socrates 6. 7 – Application: Resolving Ethical Dilemmas 6. 8 – Discussion 3: Socrates’ Trial 7. – Read Chapters 10 and 11 7. 2 – Research and Critical Thinking: â€Å"Either/Or† Study Questions 7. 3 – Reading and Reflection: Philosophers 7 . 4 – Application: â€Å"Why Courage Matters: The Way to Braver Life† Study Questions 7. 5 – Discussion: Politics 7. 6 – Group Project Preview 8. 1 – Read Chapters 12 and 13; View Gender and Ethics Video 8. 2 – Reading and Reflection: Group Case 8. 3 – Research and Critical Thinking: Group Case 8. 4 – Application: Group Findings 9. 1 – Review Modules 1 through 8 Learning Objectives 9. 2 – Discussion: Final Q and A 9. – Final Exam 1 2 Moral Lessons Through Time and Ethical Relativism 3 Exploring Psychological and Ethical Egoism 4 Utilitarian Reasoning and Universal Law 5 Midterm Exam Week 6 Human Rights, Justice and the Concept of Virtues 7 The Contemporary Perspectives and Case Studies in Virtue 8 Feminism, Virtue, and the Exploration of Ethics in a Global Context 9 Final Exam Week This syllabus was developed for online learning by Dr. Moseby HUMN 330 Online Syllabus 0712 This syllabus was developed for onl ine learning by Dr. Moseby HUMN 330 Online Syllabus 0712

The 5th Wave Review

They had one goal. To wipe out all humans and take over our planet. The first wave that came through was an EMP that fried any electronic equipment. All the planes flying in the air crashed, all the cars driving stopped. the whole world came to a standstill. This took out about half a million people. The second wave took out all the coastal cities and the people who live there when they dropped a huge slab of metal onto one of the largest faults on the planet, causing massive earthquakes and huge tsunamis. The third: an avian virus that wipes out 99 percent of the remaining population.The fourth: involving â€Å"Silencers,† humans who were implanted years ago with an â€Å"alien† gene while still in their mothers' wombs. These Silencers look and seem human, yet are actually programmed to kill any remaining humans. The 5th Wave by Rick Yancey takes the first person perspective of Cassie, one of the last remaining humans on earth. As she resists the aliens who try in ever y way to kill her, she loses her entire family. Suddenly, she is shot by a Silencer and is trapped beneath a car, bleeding to death.Evan Walker, the Silencer who shot her then finds her, first trying to kill her, but then revealing himself to be one of the few aliens who originally voted to not use violence against the human inhabitants. He overcomes the alien’s consciousness and helps protect and heal her as she struggles to find her little brother, Sammy. Cassie has two goals: to stay alive, and to rescue Sammy, who has been sent to what is supposedly a refugee camp, but which actually is a paramilitary program where he will be taught to kill.The advice I would give the main character is to stay low, stay hidden, and take out the government one at a time. The oppressive government is the aliens who faked being military leaders and other positions in power in order to take power over the now nearly extinct Homo sapiens. The type of government depicted in the 5th Wave is simi lar to a dictatorship. The aliens killed anyone they didn’t like and anyone who tried to oppose or resist them. Humans were tricked into thinking they were at a refugee camp, but they had just actually became permanent citizens of the alien’s regime.To leave the camp is basically suicide, because as a â€Å"citizen†, you have to have a chip embedded under the skin in order for the aliens to track where you are at all times and to exterminate you is necessary. So, if you leave the camp, they will hunt you down and kill you. People live in terror because they know that they can be killed at any time. There are almost no supplies or resources left on Earth, which deprives any remaining human of essential supplies, food, weapons, and water. Another example is how the aliens kill anyone that they see that is not part of their little city.Anyone who realised what was going on and tried to rebel was also executed. (Pg. 130-131) The aliens are the new leaders of the ear th. Cassie is one of the main characters in the novel. She is not a member of the aliens’ society on Earth, so she is constantly being stalked and shot at while she scavenges around looking for essential supplies and her brother all while trying to stay hidden and alert. They try to kill her on sight, but she escapes every time. Another example at the end of the novel, Evan leaves her, Ben, and Sammy to sacrifice himself by blowing up the whole compound where the â€Å"refuge† was.She was insistent on him escaping with her and the group but finally gave in when he kept wanting to. (Pg. 443-444) Cassie’s actions impact this society very little in the beginning, but at the end, she helps destroys the whole alien compound on earth. Cassie's actions resulted in both positive and negative consequences. The warning given by the author is to not trust anybody. In the novel, Cassie emptied an entire clip into a soldier, killing him because she thought that he was holdin g a gun, but he was actually holding a crucifix.She didn’t trust him, but in the end, she didn’t regret her decision because she knew he was in a better place than the now alien-infested Earth. The difference between the Others and a human are impossible to tell, because they possess the human body and the mind. The citizens will eventually have to overpower and take over the government if they are to survive, as the aliens are wanting to rid Earth of all humans in order to take over. (Pg. 223) The advice I would give the protagonist is to help other people more and to not be as selfish.Another warning is to never travel by yourself, as bad thing may happen to you. The warnings apply to everyone. In conclusion, if aliens take over the world, don’t panic. They may be friendly. However, if they turn out to be evil, be like Cassie and rip out your M16 or a brick or whatever you have on them. In The 5th Wave, Cassie represents humanity’s resistance, one of th e last humans to survive on earth. Don’t trust anyone, as the author says. A lesson that is to be learned from this novel is to never underestimate someone who looks and acts of a person who is like you, they may have an upper advantage.